Southeast Asia is experiencing a democratic decline, with recent events in Myanmar, the Philippines, and Indonesia raising concerns. The military coup in Myanmar and the subsequent violence, the continuation of press freedom attacks in the Philippines under President Marcos Junior, and the potential threat to Indonesia's democracy with the upcoming presidential elections are highlighted. The article also discusses the repression of independent media and the challenges faced by the LGBTI community, including the impact of external criticism on internal change. The broader context of global democratic fatigue and the rise of authoritarian leaders is also examined.

The article discusses the decline of democracy in Southeast Asia, highlighting the erosion of press freedom and LGBTQ+ rights. It references historical democratic milestones in the region, such as the fall of the Marcos regime and the Reformasi in Indonesia, contrasting them with the current state of affairs where autocratic tendencies are resurfacing. The article mentions the crackdown on media, citing the revocation of ABS-CBN's broadcasting license in the Philippines, and the challenges faced by journalists in Myanmar. It also touches on the upcoming Indonesian elections, the fears of the LGBTQIA+ community, and the cancellation of concerts by the British band 'The 1975' due to their support for LGBTQIA+ rights. The piece suggests that democracy in the region is backsliding, with external criticism being less effective, and emphasizes the need for internal societal change.

The article discusses the state of democracy in Southeast Asia, focusing on Cambodia and Thailand. In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen is set to hand over power to his son, Hun Manet, amidst allegations of rigged elections and concerns that Sen will continue to influence politics. The Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) has maintained power since the 1970s, and the opposition Candle Light Party (CLP) was disqualified from this year's election. In Thailand, the opposition Move Forward Party (MFP) became the largest party but was unable to form a government due to military-appointed senators. The article suggests that real political power in Thailand operates behind the scenes, with the monarchy and military having significant influence. The author reflects on the potential for change in Cambodia with the new leadership, despite the dynastic nature of the succession.

In the Philippines, President Rodrigo Duterte has announced that police can now detain individuals who do not wear their masks properly, covering both mouth and nose. The police can hold someone for up to ten hours without charges for such an offense. The Philippines has seen a sharp rise in COVID-19 cases, with over a million infections, the second-highest in Southeast Asia after Indonesia. Despite extended lockdown measures in Manila and surrounding provinces, Duterte prefers a strict approach to enforce mask-wearing, contrasting with the Justice Minister Menardo Guevarra's suggestion of mandatory community service. Duterte, known for his tough talk, has previously threatened to shoot those who defy lockdown orders. With presidential elections approaching next year and his daughter Sara poised to run, Duterte faces a significant test in managing the pandemic and its social implications.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is navigating a complex diplomatic landscape, balancing relations with Russia and the West. Despite Cambodia's historical friendship with Russia, Hun Sen has supported UN resolutions condemning Russia's actions in Ukraine, which has led to criticism from the Russian ambassador. The article explores the deep-rooted ties between Cambodia and Russia, dating back to the Cold War and the support provided by the Soviet Union during Cambodia's turbulent times in the 1980s. However, Cambodia's current economic dependence on Western markets has influenced its foreign policy decisions. The article also touches on the potential political transition in Cambodia, with Hun Sen planning to appoint his son as the next prime minister, and the implications for Cambodia's international relations. The ASEAN summit, where Cambodia is the chair, will be a critical moment for Hun Sen to balance his diplomatic stance between major world powers.

The article commemorates the 40th anniversary of the end of the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia, which resulted in the death of 1.5 to 2 million people. It discusses the controversial nature of the regime's history and the limited public discourse surrounding it. The article describes the support the Khmer Rouge received from North Vietnam and the United States' involvement. It also details the brutal practices of the regime, including the torture and execution of perceived enemies. The article mentions the Khmer Rouge tribunal, which sentenced three senior leaders to life imprisonment after two decades of investigation. The piece reflects on the current state of knowledge about the regime among Cambodians and the role of Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge commander. The article concludes by considering the perspectives of the younger generation on the legacy of the Khmer Rouge and the current political situation.

The article discusses the rapid transformation of Sihanoukville, a coastal city in Cambodia, into a gambling hub with the influx of Chinese investment. The city, part of China's 'One Belt, One Road' initiative, has seen a surge in casino construction, leading to significant urban planning issues and a clash between the new developments and traditional Cambodian businesses. While some locals benefit from higher wages, others are negatively affected by rising rental prices and the changing demographic. The author highlights the experiences of various stakeholders, including a shop owner, tuk-tuk driver, hotel receptionist, and a recruiter, to illustrate the mixed impact of this development. The article suggests that the Chinese presence in Sihanoukville is likely to continue growing as long as the economic benefits persist.