The article discusses the aftermath of the Fuego volcano eruption in Guatemala, which resulted in over 100 deaths and many missing. It highlights the broader issue of poor communities living in danger zones due to economic constraints. Marcel Arévalo from the Latin American Social Sciences Institute attributes this to the displacement caused by single-crop agriculture, which has pushed rural populations to high-risk areas. The World Bank's Sameh Wahba emphasizes the trade-off poor people make between livability and economic opportunity, with dysfunctional housing and land markets exacerbating the problem. The article also touches on the historical context of land access in Guatemala and the role of monoculture farming in reducing land availability for the rural poor. Efforts by organizations like Habitat for Humanity and initiatives in other countries are mentioned as ways to manage and reduce disaster risks. Personal stories from affected individuals like Amanda Santizo and Eufenia Garcia provide insight into the human impact of the disaster.

Edmond Mulet, a Guatemalan and the UN Joint Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, is considering a presidential run in Guatemala with the support of disgraced former president Alfonso Portillo. However, Mulet's past has come under scrutiny due to a report by Plaza Pública that alleges his involvement in a child trafficking scheme in the 1980s. Mulet, then a lawyer and congressional candidate, was part of an adoption ring that expedited the adoption of Guatemalan children to Canadian parents, bypassing legal requirements. Although Mulet claims his actions were legal and he was released from prison due to lack of evidence, the report has raised questions about his suitability for office and the UN's credibility in Latin America. The UN's role in Guatemala has been significant, with its Human Rights Council addressing the country's issues and the CICIG investigating corruption and child trafficking. The article suggests that the UN must address Mulet's past to maintain its credibility.

Michelle Ferrier, a former columnist who faced racist hate mail, inspired the creation of TrollBusters, a digital tool to combat online harassment of women. TrollBusters won $3,000 at a hackathon sponsored by Google, the Ford Foundation, and the International Women’s Media Foundation. The tool provides a platform for journalists to locate and expose online trolls, aiming to support victims and raise awareness of the issue. Despite the prevalence of online harassment, particularly against women and minorities, there has been little research on its impact on newsrooms. However, individual journalists and organizations are beginning to address the problem. TrollBusters, which will initially launch in English, has gained international interest and is part of a broader movement to create a safer internet where women can express themselves freely without fear of harassment.

The article discusses the shift in Mexico's response to migration under a new administration. Previously, Mexico's then-president Enrique Peña Nieto had taken a hard stance against migrant caravans from Central America, deploying police in riot gear to the border. However, the new government is adopting a more humanitarian approach, offering educational materials, humanitarian visas, and asylum options to migrants. The United Nations Refugee Agency in Mexico notes a focus on human rights in the new policy. The article also touches on the challenges and potential risks of this new approach, including the impact on local employment and the response of the United States, which continues to pressure Mexico to curb migration and is implementing a 'remain-in-Mexico' policy for asylum-seekers. The article highlights the experiences of migrants like Marlin Yanina Alcántar Lobo and Heidy Marleny Castro, and the concerns of organizations like COPARMEX regarding the influx of migrants.

The article discusses the journey of Central American migrants, including Marlin Yanina Alcántar Lobo and her children, who are part of a caravan seeking safety and better opportunities in the north. The caravan, which started in Honduras, is a response to violence and political instability in the region. The article contrasts the current Mexican government's approach to migration under President Andrés Manuel López Obrador with the previous administration's policies. Mexico now offers educational materials and talks about migrants' options, including humanitarian visas that allow work and asylum applications. The United States is implementing a policy to block non-Mexican asylum-seekers from entering and requires them to wait in Mexico. The article raises questions about the implications of Mexico's policy changes for migrants and local employment, and it discusses the challenges of providing support to migrants awaiting asylum decisions in the US.

The article discusses the challenges Mexico faces with the migrant caravan from Central America, particularly in light of the contrasting approaches of the outgoing and incoming Mexican presidents. While the current administration has deployed federal police to the Guatemalan border and warned of repercussions for illegal crossings, the president-elect, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), has expressed a more welcoming stance, suggesting the possibility of issuing temporary work visas. The caravan, which began in Honduras, is seeking safety in numbers to avoid the dangers of the journey, including violence and extortion. The US President, Donald Trump, has labeled the caravan a national emergency and threatened to cut funding to countries that do not stop the flow of migrants. Mexico's response has been to process asylum requests and seek assistance from the United Nations' Refugee Agency. The article highlights the tension between Mexico's efforts to control its borders and the humanitarian needs of the migrants, as well as the anticipation of AMLO's potential policy changes after his inauguration in December.

The article discusses the decline in the use of moral and spiritual language among Americans, highlighting a shift in conversations about love, kindness, and other virtues. Roy Speckhardt, executive director of the American Humanist Association, shares his experiences with interfaith councils and the initial hesitance of religious groups to include atheists. The piece references a study showing a significant decrease in the use of words associated with moral ideals. Bill Leonard, a professor emeritus, and Jonathan Merritt, a culture and religion writer, contribute insights on the decline in religious participation and the impact of political rancor on spiritual discussions. Despite the trends, there is a noted spiritual curiosity among Millennials. The article suggests that re-engaging with religious traditions and building a shared moral vocabulary could foster more tolerance and understanding across different faiths.

The article discusses the journey of a caravan of approximately 7,000 migrants from Central America and Mexico, aiming to reach the US border. The caravan, which started in Honduras, faced challenges when Mexican riot police used tear gas to stop them at the Suchiate River bridge. Mexico is processing asylum requests but warns that those entering illegally will be deported. US President Trump has labeled the caravan a national emergency and threatened to cut funding to countries that do not stop the migrants. Mexico, under pressure from both the US and the migrants, has deployed federal police and sought help from the UN Refugee Agency. The incoming Mexican President, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has indicated a potential shift in immigration policy, including issuing work visas to Central American migrants. The article also highlights the violence and poverty driving people to join the caravan, with personal stories from migrants who have faced gang violence and economic hardship in their home countries.

A caravan of approximately 4,000 migrants is currently stranded at the Suchiate river crossing between Guatemala and Mexico. The migrants, who are en route to the United States, are facing dire conditions without access to food, water, or sanitation, as they wait for Mexican authorities to allow them entry. Tensions escalated when Mexican riot police used tear gas after migrants tried to force their way across the border. Some Hondurans have successfully crossed the river and are waiting on the Mexican side, while about 200 individuals, predominantly women and children, have been processed at an immigration center.

A caravan of 3,000 migrants charged at the border between Guatemala and Mexico, attempting to make their way towards the United States. Despite Mexico's warning that a visa would be required for entry and the presence of riot police at the border city of Tapachula, some migrants cut through the border wires and confronted the police. Mexico's federal police spokesman, Manelich Castilla, mentioned that buses were available to transport women, children, and the elderly away from the bridge for processing. However, migrants on the bridge were hesitant to board the buses, fearing deportation. Some migrants resorted to shaking fences and jumping into the Suchiate river, while others retreated to Guatemala.

The article discusses the changing political climate in Guatemala, particularly in relation to the fight against corruption. President Jimmy Morales, who was elected on an anti-corruption platform, has announced the shutdown of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), a UN-backed anti-corruption commission. This has led to smaller protests compared to previous years, indicating a possible chilling effect due to military presence and a lack of strong international support, notably from the United States. The article highlights the deep-rooted issues of corruption in Latin America and the role of CICIG in investigating high-level crimes in Guatemala. Despite the challenges, civil society groups are taking political action, with organizations like CODECA planning to participate in the upcoming elections to push for systemic changes in the political system.

The article reports on the aftermath of the Fuego volcano eruption in Guatemala, which resulted in at least 110 deaths and 197 missing persons. The village of San Miguel Los Lotes, located closest to the volcano, was devastated by an avalanche of ash and volcanic matter. Rescue workers are searching for remains, while families endure a bureaucratic process at a provisional morgue in Escuintla to identify and claim their loved ones. Eufemia Garcia and her nephew, Herbert Hernandez, are highlighted as they struggle to find and bury their family members. The article describes the harrowing conditions of the recovery efforts and the emotional toll on the survivors, such as Eva Ascon, who is still searching for 20 family members.

The article reports on the psychological impact of the Fuego volcano eruption on children in Guatemala. Six-year-old Caty and her family are among the 12,000 evacuees coping with the aftermath of the disaster that claimed at least 110 lives. Health professionals, including child psychologist Leonel Dubon, warn that children are particularly vulnerable to PTSD. Dubon's NGO, Refugio de la Ninez, has sent child psychologists to help the young survivors. The article describes the dire conditions in the shelters and the efforts by volunteers to provide some relief to the traumatized children. It also touches on the story of six-month-old Esmeralda Lopez, who was rescued unharmed, and the transfer of six children with severe burns to the Shriners Children’s Hospital in Texas.

The article discusses the aftermath of the Fuego volcano eruption in Guatemala, which resulted in significant loss of life and property. Amanda Santizo and her family, along with many others, were forced to evacuate their village and lost their homes and livelihoods. The eruption has highlighted the broader issue of poverty in Guatemala, where many live in high-risk areas due to lack of affordable housing and land tenure issues. The article touches on the historical context of land scarcity and the displacement of rural populations. It also mentions the role of organizations like the World Bank and Habitat for Humanity in addressing these challenges, and the need for community-level risk management. The article includes comments from experts and affected individuals, emphasizing the dire situation for those living in poverty and the ongoing risk of natural disasters exacerbated by climate change.

The article reports on the aftermath of the Fuego volcano eruption in Guatemala, focusing on the personal stories of survivors who have lost family members. Eufenia Garcia, Julia Gonzalez, and Norma Ascona are highlighted as individuals who are grappling with the disappearance of their loved ones. The village of San Miguel Los Lotes, closest to the volcano, has been devastated, leaving many residents homeless and taking refuge in a church in Escuintla. Despite the ongoing danger and the diminishing likelihood of finding survivors, the evacuees hold onto hope. The eruption has claimed at least 69 lives, with the death toll expected to rise as many remain missing.

The article reports on the aftermath of a tragic fire at the Virgen de la Asuncion youth shelter in Guatemala, which resulted in the deaths of 41 girls. The shelter, intended for vulnerable youths, was overcrowded and had been ordered to close prior to the fire. Allegations of abuse, including sexual assault and physical violence by staff, have surfaced. The fire occurred after a riot and attempted escape by the shelter's residents. The Guatemalan government has been criticized for its handling of the situation, and there are calls for systemic reform in child welfare policies. The article includes accounts from survivors, relatives of the victims, and officials, as well as details of the conditions within the shelter and the broader context of child welfare in Guatemala.

The article discusses the historic court case in Guatemala where, for the first time, a national court heard charges of sexual and domestic enslavement committed during a civil war. Mayan women from Sepur Zarco testified against soldiers who enslaved and raped them over three decades ago. The perpetrators were found guilty and sentenced to over 100 years in prison. The case signifies Guatemala's efforts to confront its violent past, supported by human rights organizations and the UN-backed CICIG. The article also touches on El Salvador's recent actions against civil-war era crimes, including the detention of ex-military officials wanted for the murder of six Jesuit priests in 1989. The piece highlights the changing norms against amnesty and impunity in Central and South America, and the slow but hopeful progress towards justice and accountability for past crimes.

In Guatemala City, a landmark trial began on February 1, addressing the systematic rape and sexual slavery of indigenous women by landowners and the armed forces, a practice that has been ongoing for over a century. The trial focuses on events from 1982, during the dictatorship of Efraín Ríos Montt, amidst the country's 36-year civil war. Eleven Mayan women from Sepur Zarco are testifying against former base commander Esteelmer Reyes Girón and former military commissioner Heriberto Valdez Asij, who are charged with crimes against humanity. The prosecution aims to secure reparations for the victims, set a legal precedent, and raise awareness of the systemic violence against women in Guatemala. The trial also explores the historical use of sexual violence as a tool to suppress indigenous communities in land disputes. Guatemala continues to face high rates of femicide, and the trial seeks to address the broader issues of racism and sexual violence in society.

The article discusses the ongoing violence in El Salvador, which may soon surpass Honduras as the world's most violent country, excluding active warzones. It reflects on the country's history, including the civil war that ended in 1992 and the recent presidency of Salvador Sánchez Cerén, a former FMLN rebel. The piece examines the breakdown of a truce between major gangs MS-13 and Barrio 18, which was initially successful in reducing violence through negotiations led by the Catholic Church and supported by then-president Mauricio Funes. The truce's collapse is attributed to a lack of government support for prevention and rehabilitation, as well as the return of gang leaders to maximum-security prisons. The article also touches on the socio-economic disparities in El Salvador, the mass exodus of Salvadorans to the US, and the influence of deported gang members from the US on local gang culture. Additionally, it mentions the infiltration of drug cartels into Salvadoran institutions and the description of the country's criminal patterns by Insight Crime as resembling a low-intensity war.

The article discusses the severe violence and corruption in Honduras, highlighting the ineffectiveness of public security institutions and the escalation of violence since the 2009 coup. It focuses on the embezzlement scandal involving the former head of the Honduran Institute of Social Security and the subsequent anti-corruption movement, the Indignados. The creation of the Mission to Support the Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH) by the OAS is met with skepticism by the Indignados, who demand a commission with greater powers similar to Guatemala's CICIG. The article details the protests and the government's response, as well as the international community's role in addressing the crisis. It suggests that despite the challenges, the Indignados movement could still lead to significant change in Honduras.

Jimmy Morales, a former comedian, won Guatemala's presidential election with 67% of the vote, defeating Sandra Torres. His victory follows a period of political turmoil marked by the resignation of former President Otto Pérez Molina due to a corruption scandal. Despite Morales' outsider image and anti-corruption stance, critics are skeptical of his military-backed party and lack of clear policies. Voter turnout was lower than the first round of voting, reflecting a sense of apathy among the electorate. Morales, a social conservative, has made controversial proposals and has been vague on economic policies. He is set to take office on January 14, 2016.

The article discusses Di Ding Hua, a theater group in Beijing founded by Yan Chengmei, which is composed of female domestic workers. These workers, migrants from rural areas, face numerous challenges in the city and are often treated as second-class citizens. Di Ding Hua provides them with a platform to express their experiences through theater, with performances that highlight their struggles and triumphs. The group also aims to raise awareness about domestic workers' rights, referencing the International Labor Organization's Convention 189. The article touches on the stereotypes and prejudices faced by these workers and the transformative power of art in advocacy. Yan Chengmei dedicates her time to the group, which has seen over 100 participants, and plans to produce videos of their performances.

Former Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina, charged with corruption and held in preventive prison, claimed in an interview with CNN en Español that the U.S. conspired against him using the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) to further its geopolitical interests. Pérez Molina, accused of leading a customs fraud network, suggested the U.S. pressured his government to renew CICIG's mandate to establish similar commissions in Honduras and El Salvador. Political analysts dismissed his conspiracy claims, emphasizing the judicial nature of CICIG's work. Meanwhile, Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, facing similar corruption allegations, rejected the idea of a CICIG-like commission in Honduras. Former Vice President Roxana Baldetti, also implicated in the fraud, was hospitalized for a checkup, sparking controversy over her prison accommodations.

The article reports on the political crisis in Guatemala following the stripping of prosecutorial immunity from President Otto Pérez Molina, who was implicated in a customs fraud scandal known as 'La Linea'. Pérez Molina and his former vice president, Roxana Baldetti, are accused of receiving millions in bribes. The U.N.-supported CICIG played a crucial role in the investigation, which was financially backed by the United States. The crisis led to Pérez Molina's resignation and detention, and the U.S. has been involved in supporting anti-corruption measures in Guatemala. The upcoming elections are clouded by corruption scandals, with comedian Jimmy Morales leading in the polls. The article also touches on the U.S.'s influence in the region and the public's response to the political events.

Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina has publicly refused to resign despite allegations of his involvement in a customs fraud network known as 'La Línea.' Following the arrest of former Vice President Roxana Baldetti on corruption charges and a request by the CICIG to strip Pérez Molina of his immunity, the private sector lobby CACIF urged him to step down. Pérez Molina's government is unraveling as seven Cabinet ministers resigned, and public protests are intensifying. CICIG has presented evidence, including wiretaps and financial ties, implicating Pérez Molina in the scandal. Despite this, he denies the accusations and criticizes CICIG's actions. CACIF has distanced itself from Pérez Molina, who has warned them against pressure. Nobel Peace Laureate Rigoberta Menchú has called for his resignation on social media. The political climate in Guatemala remains volatile as general elections approach on September 6.

Former Guatemalan dictator Efraín Ríos Montt's retrial for genocide and crimes against humanity is in jeopardy due to a forensic report declaring him mentally unfit for trial. The report by Guatemala's National Forensic Institute (INACIF) suggests that at age 89, Ríos Montt's mental health has deteriorated, making him unable to understand the charges. This development follows a series of delays and legal obstacles, including the reinstatement of a previously recused judge and various health claims by other accused human rights violators. Additionally, Ríos Montt's daughter, Zury Ríos Sosa, faces a constitutional barrier to her presidential candidacy due to her father's coup history. The article also touches on other cases where accused individuals have used health issues to evade trial, highlighting a pattern of seeking impunity for past crimes.

The article provides a poignant commentary on the plight of women in Afghanistan, depicting a society where women are subjected to severe restrictions and violence. It narrates personal stories of women and girls who have faced abuse, lack of educational opportunities, and societal oppression. The author recounts the story of Zobaida, a neighbor who suffered domestic abuse, and Sosan, a schoolgirl who was physically punished by a teacher. The article also mentions Fatima, a girl who was denied the chance to attend school. The author calls on Afghan women to stand up for their rights, despite the risks involved, and to strive for education and employment to become independent.

The article discusses the unofficial Shinto wedding of two men in 1999 at Kanamara Shrine in Japan, a country where Shinto is a major religion but does not dominate life as Christianity does in the U.S. The article contrasts this with the U.S. Supreme Court's legalization of gay marriage in 2015. In Japan, same-sex marriage remains illegal, with only one Tokyo ward recognizing such unions. The article explores the conservative stance of the Association of Shinto Shrines and the Japanese public's general lack of opposition to homosexuality but also their lack of awareness. It also touches on the internal debates within Shintoism regarding homosexuality and the growing acceptance of gay marriage ceremonies in Japan, as evidenced by a same-sex wedding at Tokyo Disney Resort. The article concludes with a correction stating that Shinto is not the official state religion of Japan.

In Guatemala City, protests erupted after the Constitutional Court blocked an impeachment effort against President Otto Pérez Molina, who is implicated in a corruption scandal known as 'La Linea'. The scandal involved high-level officials and a customs fraud network. Demonstrations began with the urban middle class and spread across society, demanding Pérez Molina's resignation. Similar protests occurred in Honduras after revelations of a social security fraud and calls for President Juan Orlando Hernández's resignation. The protests in both countries signify a broader demand for political and judicial reforms. The U.N.-supported CICIG has been instrumental in investigating the corruption in Guatemala. Despite the pressure, both Pérez Molina and Hernández have refused to resign. The article suggests that these movements could signal a 'Central American spring', echoing the Arab Spring's call for democratization.

The article discusses the murder of Jacoba Arévalo Garrido in Guatemala and the broader issue of femicide in the country. It highlights the high rate of femicide in Guatemala, which has the fourth highest rate in the world, and the cultural tolerance of violence against women, particularly in cases of suspected infidelity. The article mentions the establishment of specialized courts for femicide and violence against women, which have higher conviction rates than ordinary courts. Despite these efforts, deeply ingrained cultural attitudes and double standards regarding infidelity pose significant challenges. The article also references a study by the Americas Barometer survey, which indicates that education does not significantly impact attitudes towards violence and infidelity.

The article discusses the political situation in Guatemala, where President Otto Pérez Molina is facing potential impeachment due to involvement in corruption scandals, including a customs fraud network known as 'La Línea' and a questionable dialysis contract. The Supreme Court has allowed Congress to decide on lifting his prosecutorial immunity. Congressman Amílcar Pop Ac, who filed the complaint, has received death threats. Evidence against Pérez Molina includes recorded phone conversations. The article also covers the selection of a five-member congressional commission to analyze the case, the questionable credibility of some of its members, and the political shifts within Congress as members switch parties. The U.S. Embassy's role and the public's demand for Pérez Molina's ouster are also mentioned. The article concludes with the potential outcomes if Pérez Molina's immunity is lifted, including the possibility of Vice President Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre assuming the presidency until new elections.

Honduras has become the most violent country in the world outside of war zones, largely due to drug wars and gang violence. The situation worsened after the 2009 coup against President Manuel Zelaya. Juan Orlando Hernández's presidency, which began in 2013, has been tainted by allegations of fraud and a major scandal involving the embezzlement of government funds. The Indignados, a protest movement demanding anti-corruption measures, emerged but has seen little success in effecting change. The creation of an anti-corruption commission by Hernández, supported by the OAS, has been criticized as insufficient. The murder of environmental activist Berta Cáceres highlighted the dangers faced by activists in Honduras. The dire conditions in the country have led to a significant number of Hondurans, particularly children and adolescents, attempting to emigrate to the US to escape the violence.

Guatemalans have been protesting in large numbers against corruption, prompted by scandals revealed by the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). The customs fraud case known as 'La Linea' has led to the arrest of 29 individuals, including the Vice President Roxana Baldetti. President Otto Pérez Molina, initially resistant to CICIG, has now extended its mandate for two years amid growing public pressure and international support for the commission. The CICIG has been instrumental in investigating high-profile cases and has faced opposition from Guatemala's business and political elite. The recent developments have sparked a citizen movement demanding further action against corruption, with more protests planned.

Guatemalans have been protesting in large numbers against corruption and President Otto Pérez Molina, following revelations from a UN-backed crime-investigations unit, CICIG, about a customs fraud network called 'La Linea'. The scandal has already led to the resignation of Vice President Roxana Baldetti and the arrest of the central bank governor. Despite initial resistance, President Pérez Molina has extended CICIG's mandate for two years amid growing public pressure and international support. The CICIG has been instrumental in investigating high-profile cases and has the backing of civil society, although it faces opposition from some business and political elites. A new citizen movement is emerging, demanding further action and the president's resignation.

The article tells the story of Fidelia Castellanos, a domestic worker in Guatemala City, who faced severe abuse and discrimination throughout her career. Despite the hardships, she is determined to improve conditions for domestic workers in Guatemala, where labor unionism is weak. Castellanos founded the Domestic and Independent Workers’ Union (Sitradomsa) to support her cause. The article also discusses the case of Candelaria Acabal, an indigenous woman who suffered extreme abuse by her employer. Efforts like the Guatemalan Institute of Social Security's Precapi program have been made to improve conditions, but with limited success. Advocates are pushing for Guatemala to ratify the International Labor Organization Convention 189, which ensures better treatment for domestic workers. The article highlights the contrast between Guatemala and other Latin American countries that have ratified the convention and are making progress in protecting domestic workers' rights.

Thousands of Guatemalans protested in the #RenunciaYaFase 2 march, demanding President Otto Pérez Molina's resignation following a tax fraud scandal exposed by CICIG. The scandal involved former Vice President Roxana Baldetti's secretary, Juan Carlos Monzón, and has caused widespread discontent. The new vice president, Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre, faces skepticism due to his past political affiliations and actions. The private sector lobby CACIF supports Maldonado, while U.S. and U.K. officials have approved of his appointment. However, the #RenunciaYa movement does not support the candidates proposed by Pérez Molina. The political crisis has raised fears of a coup attempt and calls for government reform, including a potential National Constituent Assembly to draft a new Constitution.

Guatemala is experiencing a significant protest movement against government corruption, sparked by the revelation of a customs fraud network known as 'La Línea' by the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). The scandal led to the resignation of Vice President Roxana Baldetti and the appointment of Alejandro Maldonado as her successor. The protests, which have seen a diverse mix of society participating, are demanding the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina and an end to endemic corruption. Despite the upcoming general elections, there is widespread disillusionment with the political options available, particularly with the leading candidate Manuel Baldizón of the LIDER party, who is mired in allegations of corruption and ties to organized crime. The protests, organized via social media, have been compared to the Arab Spring and are seen as a resurgence of the collective outrage that characterized Guatemala's first 'spring' in 1944.

The article discusses the plight of domestic workers in Guatemala, focusing on the story of Fidelia Castellanos, who faced abuse and exploitation as a domestic worker. Despite the hardships, Castellanos is determined to improve conditions for domestic workers by setting up the Domestic and Independent Workers’ Union (Sitradomsa). The article highlights the challenges faced by domestic workers, including long hours, low wages, and abuse, particularly for indigenous women. It also covers the efforts of local advocacy groups and the Guatemalan Institute of Social Security's Precapi program, which offers limited benefits to domestic workers. The article emphasizes the need for Guatemala to ratify the International Labor Organization Convention 189 to ensure better working conditions for domestic workers. The upcoming elections are seen as an opportunity for advocates to push for change.

In an interview with Noam Chomsky at his MIT office, journalist Louisa Reynolds discusses a range of topics including Chomsky's history of political activism, US foreign policy towards Latin America, and the impact of such policies on Central America's violence and poverty. Chomsky critiques the US's role in the genocide trial of Guatemala’s former dictator and the contradiction of the US supporting the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala while being a source of firearms for criminal organizations. The conversation also covers the influence of indigenous movements on Latin American politics, the effects of free trade agreements, and the environmental crisis. Chomsky remains critical of US interventions and highlights the growing independence and resistance movements in Latin America.

Marvin Túnchez, a reporter for Óptimo 23, survived an attack that killed his colleagues Danilo López of Prensa Libre and Federico Salazar of Radio Nuevo Mundo in Mazatenango, Guatemala. The attack occurred during an International Women's Day event and is believed to be targeted at López, who reported on corruption involving local mayors and the Partido Patriota. The violence against journalists in Guatemala has been increasing, with six reporters killed since 2010 and threats rising significantly. The region is a hotspot for drug trafficking, with local cartels attempting to influence the upcoming elections. The Oajaca family, with alleged ties to the Sinaloa cartel, is suspected of being behind the attack on López and Salazar. The family's influence in the area is extensive, and fear of reprisals leads to widespread self-censorship among locals.

Louisa Reynolds, an IWMF Elizabeth Neuffer Fellow, shares her experience attending events with the Knight Science Journalism Fellowship at MIT. She highlights a talk by Kenyan science writer Calestous Juma on the GMO debate. Juma, a pioneer in African science journalism and a Harvard professor, advocates for a rational debate on GMOs, free from prejudice and politics. He references historical resistance to GMOs in Africa and the polarized positions at the United Nations. Juma cites studies showing benefits of GMOs, such as pest suppression, but advises against their use in regions with many wild crop relatives. Reynolds notes the recent repeal of Guatemala's 'Monsanto Law' due to public outcry and reflects on Juma's nuanced stance on GMOs, while expressing her own reservations about the technology's monopolization by large corporations.

The article discusses the political saga of Alfonso Portillo, the former president of Guatemala, who faced legal troubles after his term ended in 2004. Portillo fled to Mexico after losing immunity and was later extradited to the US to face money laundering charges. He was convicted for accepting bribes from Taiwan and served a prison sentence in the US. Upon his release, he returned to Guatemala to a hero's welcome. Despite legal and constitutional barriers to re-election, Portillo's influence remains strong, with speculation about his potential involvement in future elections. The article also touches on the reactions of Nobel Peace Laureate Rigoberta Menchú and the political maneuvers involving UN diplomat Edmond Mulet and former foreign minister Edgar Gutiérrez.

Claudia Paz y Paz, Guatemala's first female attorney general, has significantly reduced the country's high impunity rates, particularly for violent crimes. She implemented a performance evaluation system in the public prosecutor's office, leading to a purge of older prosecutors and the promotion of younger, more qualified individuals. Paz y Paz's office has prioritized violence against women, established a special unit for sex crimes, and managed to dismantle criminal networks involved in drug trafficking, extortion, and kidnapping. High-profile cases during her term include the trial of former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt for genocide and the extradition of former president Alfonso Portillo to the U.S. for money laundering. The sustainability of Paz y Paz's reforms is uncertain as her term ends in December 2014, and the political will to continue her efforts remains in question.

In Guatemala, the Maya Ixil indigenous people of Santa María Nebaj are facing intimidation and fear as they may have to testify again in a retrial of former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt. The Constitutional Court overturned Ríos Montt's genocide conviction due to procedural issues, leading to a requirement for a new trial. Ríos Montt was originally convicted for his role in the murder of 1,771 Ixil people during his rule in the early 1980s. The retrial has been delayed until April 2014, and many survivors are now reluctant to testify again due to mistrust in the justice system and fear of reprisals. The Centre for Legal Action on Human Rights (CALDH) has been supporting the witnesses, but the recent developments have led to a loss of faith in the legal process among the Ixil community.

The 43rd General Assembly of the Organisation of American States (OAS) in Antigua, Guatemala, has concluded that the drug problem in the Americas should be approached as a public health issue rather than a security issue. Delegates from 34 countries discussed strategies for prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation, but the draft Antigua Declaration lacks concrete actions or a clear future roadmap. The United States opposes an extraordinary assembly proposed by 14 countries to further debate drug trafficking strategies. The OAS summit also introduced human rights and gender perspectives into drug policies. Experts like Sandino Asturias from the Centro de Estudios de Guatemala and David Martínez-Amador from Proyecto Criminova expressed skepticism about the lack of concrete policies and criticized the slow progress. The article also touches on Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina's controversial proposal to legalize drugs and the various international reactions to it.