The article by Martina Napolitano and Simone Benazzo explores the Bektashi Order, a Sufi Islamic creed in Albania known for its mystic traditions and liberal practices such as allowing alcohol consumption and not enforcing gender segregation. The article discusses the history of the Bektashi Order, its persecution over the centuries, and its current status. It highlights the experiences and teachings of Baba Mondi, the Dedebaba (spiritual leader), and Baba Sadik, another prominent figure within the community. The Bektashi Order's challenges, including the transformation of a tekke into a mosque in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, are also covered, noting their appeals to the European Court of Human Rights and the UN for support.

The article discusses the increasing number of Italians, estimated at around 22,000, living in Albania for various reasons including business opportunities, lower taxes, and a sense of optimism compared to Italy's bureaucracy and pessimism. It highlights the presence of Italian businesses since 1992, particularly in the textile industry with brands like Tods, Gucci, and Prada producing in Albania. The Italian Chamber of Commerce and INAC provide support to these Italians, with the latter offering services like residency permits and pension tax relief. The Catholic University Our Lady of Good Counsel in Tirana, with Italian academic ties, attracts Italian students. Carlo Bollino, a journalist and entrepreneur, is featured for his work in Albanian media and his role in establishing Bunk'Art, a museum dedicated to the victims of Albanian communism. The article also touches on the lack of integration of Italians in Albanian society, viewing it as a temporary residence, and contrasts this with the warm reception Albanians received in Italy during their immigration.

The article by Simone Benazzo and Martina Napolitano discusses the Roma community in the district of Šuto Orizari, known as Shutka, in Skopje, Macedonia. It highlights the unique status of Shutka as a district run by Roma and the challenges faced by the community, including a high unemployment rate, low levels of higher education, and issues with identity cards post-Yugoslavia. The local government, in power since May 2017, has pledged to address these issues and improve the situation for the Roma, with plans to open cultural centers and create better job opportunities. The article also touches on the discrimination faced by the Roma and the hope placed in education to break the cycle of poverty and unemployment. The President of the City Council, Fatima Osmanovska, speaks about the administration's efforts to combat clientelism and corruption, and the headmaster of a local school, Alvin Salimovski, discusses the importance of education in overcoming prejudice.

Brighton Beach, also known as Little Odessa, is a New York City enclave with a majority population of immigrants from former Soviet republics. It is culturally distinct, with Cyrillic signage and a Russian-speaking majority. The area has a history of being portrayed in films for its mafia and espionage connections, although it is not the center of Russian mafia business. Notable individuals from the area include Neil Diamond and Bernie Sanders. Despite its rich cultural offerings, Brighton Beach faces challenges such as poverty and a lack of integration into broader American society. The community leans conservative, having voted for Trump in 2016, and has shown resistance to liberal views, as evidenced by the reception of the first Gay Pride organized by RUSA-LGBT.

The article discusses the historical and cultural significance of Ohrid, Macedonia, highlighting its status as a UNESCO World Heritage Site and its rich medieval history. It delves into the creation of the Cyrillic script, attributing it to the disciples of Sts Cyril and Methodius, particularly St. Clement of Ohrid. The script's origins, development, and the controversies surrounding its invention between Bulgarian and Macedonian scholars are explored. The article also touches on the ecclesiastical tensions between the Macedonian and Serbian Orthodox Churches, with the Bulgarian Church's recent move towards recognizing the Macedonian Church's independence.

The article discusses the Red Scare in the United States, focusing on the anti-communist hysteria that swept the nation after both World Wars, with particular emphasis on the period following World War I. It describes how the Russian Revolution of 1917 incited panic among the American entrepreneurial class and political representatives, leading to the repression of unions and strikes. The article highlights the role of Alexander Mitchell Palmer, the Attorney General, and John Edgar Hoover of the Bureau of Investigation, in orchestrating raids and mass arrests, particularly targeting the Union of Russian Workers and immigrants. It also touches on the media's role in fueling anti-radical sentiment and xenophobia. The deportation of 250 Russian immigrants on the 'Soviet Ark' without due process is detailed, including the story of prominent anarchists like Emma Goldman. Despite these repressive measures, worker strikes continued, and the article concludes by noting the historical sidelining of this episode.

The article discusses the cultural and political landscape of Gagauzia, an autonomous region in Moldova. It highlights the influence of Turkey and Russia in the region, exemplified by the Atatürk Library and the presence of the Russian language. Gagauzia, largely self-sufficient in rugs, butter, and wine, seeks external support from Turkey, Russia, the EU, and Moldova. The Gagauz people, ethnically close to Turks but mostly Christian, have a complex history with theories suggesting origins from Bulgarian or Turkish descent. The region's autonomy came after a peaceful resolution with Moldova's parliament in 1994. Turkish influence is evident through investments by TIKA, including the library, medical equipment, and infrastructure. The article also touches on the sensitive issue of language in Moldova, where Russian is preferred by many, including the Gagauz, over the official state language, Moldovan (close to Romanian). There is tension between the desire for closer ties with Russia and EU integration, with the Gagauz showing distrust towards Romania and favoring autonomy and support for Russia.

Moldova, a country located beyond the borders of the European Union and sandwiched between Romania and Ukraine, is a land of transit that continues to seek inspiration from both Moscow and Bucharest two decades after its independence. Historically a region of conquest from both the east and the west, three pivotal years in its contemporary history are 1812, when it was taken from Ottoman control by the Tsarist conquest; 1918, when the region west of the Dniester River was annexed to Greater Romania; and 1940, when the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic was established.

The Hungarian minority is the largest in Romania, comprising 6.5% of the Romanian population according to the 2011 census. They mostly reside in the mountainous area of Transylvania and form the majority in Harghita (85.2%) and Covasna (73.7%) counties, with significant portions in Mureş (38.1%), Satu Mare (34.7%), Bihor (25.3%), and Sălaj (23.3%). The area of the first three counties roughly equates to the historical region of Székelyföld, the land of the Szeklers (Ținutul Secuiesc in Romanian), where today the core of the Hungarian population in Romania (about 600,000 people) lives.

The article explores the cultural identity and current state of Transnistria, a de facto independent region since 1991, unrecognized internationally and economically supported by Russia. It delves into the region's Soviet heritage, the complex relationship with communism, and the population's diverse national composition. The piece also discusses the influence of the Sheriff company, which dominates the local economy and politics, and the gradual shift towards consumerism and acceptance of market rules, including a limited integration with the European Union. Despite the presence of Soviet-era symbols, the article suggests that Transnistria is moving beyond mere nostalgia, using its communist past as a unifying identity while embracing contemporary societal values.

An investigative report by Novaja Gazeta, led by Elena Milašina, revealed a scandal involving the arrest, violence, and persecution of homosexuals or suspected homosexuals in unofficial, illegal 'secret prisons' in Chechnya, with some resulting in death. The investigation, which began in mid-March, uncovered six such prisons also detaining suspects of extremism and drug trafficking, with extrajudicial execution victims increasing from three to twenty-six. Despite international pressure and the Council of Europe's call for an investigation, Chechen authorities, accustomed to continuous accusations, have not been significantly disturbed. The report has, however, forced a change in the usual narrative and has put Moscow in a difficult position. Ramzan Kadyrov, the head of Chechnya, has maintained a hardline stance against Islamist tendencies in the region, supported by Moscow, and has established a totalitarian state as defined by Memorial in 2016. Human Rights Watch has noted a shift in attitudes since 2014, with increased pressure on human rights organizations and activists. Following the report, Kadyrov and his advisors denied the existence of homosexuals in Chechnya and implicitly justified the reported abuses. Putin summoned Kadyrov to discuss the matter, revealing that the Chechen administration is aware of the violence. The situation reflects a broader context of discrimination against sexual minorities in Russia, with a federal law against 'non-traditional sexual orientation propaganda' signed by Putin in 2013, despite international criticism.

On February 21, Putin expressed support for Moscow Mayor Sergey Sobyanin's ongoing project to demolish 'Khrushchyovka' apartments, a legacy of Soviet brutalist architecture initiated under former Mayor Yuri Luzhkov in 1999. These mass-produced, identical housing blocks, named after Nikita Khrushchev, were rapidly constructed during the 1960s and 70s to address post-WWII housing shortages. Despite their basic and uniform design, they provided a sense of private life for Soviet citizens. Today, these buildings house 1.6 million people in Moscow alone. The article also references the Soviet film 'The Irony of Fate', which humorously depicts the uniformity of Khrushchyovka apartments.