Russia's upcoming presidential elections are expected to result in the reelection of Vladimir Putin, amidst actions by the Kremlin to suppress opposition candidates through signature collection prevention, registration refusal, and even political assassinations. Independent candidates like Ekaterina Duntsova and Boris Nadezhdin faced obstacles from the Central Election Commission and the Russian Supreme Court, preventing their participation. The article argues that the West should not recognize the legitimacy of Putin's presidency, drawing parallels to the non-recognition of Belarusian dictator Alyaksandr Lukashenka. The murder of opposition leader Alexei Navalny is highlighted as evidence of Putin's systematic policy of eliminating democratic competitors, with calls from Navalny's wife and Mikhail Khodorkovsky to delegitimize Putin's regime. The article suggests that non-recognition could aid Ukrainian resistance and potentially lead to Putin losing internal legitimacy in Russia.

Russian regional governors have established new headquarters to prevent separatism, nationalism, extremism, and mass riots, raising doubts about the Kremlin's confidence in public support for the war against Ukraine and Moscow's imperial policies. Repression against regionalists has increased, with many forced into exile but maintaining ties with compatriots and advocating for more regional autonomy or independence. The synchronized creation of these headquarters suggests central coordination by the Kremlin. Activists believe this will lead to further repression against national movements. The Kremlin's actions reflect a lack of confidence in public support and fear of regional self-determination movements, which could undermine the propagandist unity of Putin's empire. The article highlights the growing skepticism among Russian citizens, especially non-ethnic Russians, towards Moscow's justifications for the war in Ukraine and the potential for significant political upheavals in Russia.

Post-Soviet Russia has evolved into a 'private state' where private interests often outweigh state interests, a situation that has worsened during Vladimir Putin's era. The adoption of the law on 'state-private partnership' in 2015 has legitimized corruption by not clearly defining the interactions between government officials and businesspeople. Yevgeny Prigozhin, a key figure in this system, has benefited greatly through his company Concord and the Wagner Group, a private military company. Despite internal conflicts and a failed mutiny by Prigozhin, Putin's management model remains unchanged, with his close associates holding power above official state structures. The article suggests that overcoming 'Putinism' requires dismantling this 'private empire' to prioritize public interests and economic freedom over the militaristic ambitions of an unelected elite.

The article discusses the failed mutiny by Yevgeny Prigozhin's Wagner Group, highlighting the group's neglect of regional issues as a key factor in its rapid failure. The Wagner Group's takeover of Rostov-on-Don, a city with strong regionalist sentiments, was initially successful, but their lack of engagement with local populations and failure to establish a regional foothold led to their downfall. The article compares this to other paramilitary units like the Russian Volunteer Corps and Freedom of Russia Legion, which also ignore regional dynamics. The piece draws parallels with the Russian Civil War, where the White Army's defeat was partly due to ignoring regionalism. The article suggests that anti-Kremlin efforts that fail to address regional issues are unlikely to succeed, as they do not offer a compelling alternative to the centralist policies of Moscow.

The article explores the perspectives of independent Russian intellectuals on the ongoing war in Ukraine, focusing on Alexander Etkind's book 'Russia Against Modernity.' Etkind argues that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is part of a broader war against global progress, driven by its dependence on fossil fuel exports. The text contrasts Russia's 'Leviathan' approach with the 'Gaia' model of green modernity, highlighting the country's social, economic, and political inequalities. It also discusses the historical context of Russian imperialism and the potential for future decolonization and demilitarization.

In early April 2023, several Russian regions bordering Ukraine canceled their Victory Day military parades due to security concerns, reflecting the precarious situation amid Ukraine's counteroffensive. The Kremlin's ongoing military operation in Ukraine has led to increased defensive measures across Russia, with even cities far from the frontlines canceling events. The cancellation of the 'Immortal Regiment' procession, a key element of Kremlin propaganda, highlights the regime's fear of public dissent. The article critiques the Putin regime's reliance on Soviet-era symbols and narratives to maintain ideological unity and imperial ambitions, contrasting it with historical shifts in the significance of Victory Day under different Soviet and Russian leaders.

The article discusses the erosion of federalism in Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Putin, who has centralized power and undermined the autonomy of Russia's regions. It traces the history of Russian federalism from the 1917 Constituent Assembly to the present day, highlighting the failure to establish a true federation post-Soviet Union and the continuation of centralization policies from Boris Yeltsin to Putin. The author notes the paradox of Chechnya's partial autonomy and criticizes the Kremlin's suppression of regional self-determination and political opposition. The article also contrasts Russian federalism with that of the United States, pointing out the hypocrisy of Russian officials criticizing U.S. democracy. The author, Vadim Shtepa, is the editor-in-chief of Region.Expert, an independent webzine that publishes from Estonia due to Russian censorship.

Russian-speaking intellectuals are reflecting deeply on Russia's war against Ukraine, leading to a philosophical reevaluation of the Russian state. Mikhail Epstein and Nikolai Plotnikov have published works analyzing the situation, with Plotnikov's collection featuring 16 authors. The authors argue that the war represents a civilizational catastrophe for Russia, with a history of imperial tendencies and a lack of reckoning with past evils contributing to the current situation. The collection calls for the dismantling of historical and political myths that justify military aggression and imperial arrogance, suggesting that demythologization of Russian consciousness could prevent future imperial catastrophes.

Russian border towns in the Baltic Sea region are experiencing accelerated depopulation due to historical territorial changes and economic centralization. The Soviet Union's annexation of territories from Finland, Estonia, and Latvia, followed by demographic replacements, set the stage for current migration trends. Post-Soviet Russia's economic focus on major cities like Moscow and St. Petersburg has drawn populations away from smaller towns, which now suffer from poverty and lack of development. The closure of borders due to the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's war against Ukraine has further diminished local economies reliant on border trade. As a result, residents are moving to larger cities or abroad, with some politicians in Finland, Estonia, and Latvia discussing the reclamation of annexed territories based on 1920 treaties.

Emory University professor Mikhail Epstein's book, 'Russian Anti-World: Politics on the Verge of Apocalypse,' explores the radical and destructive nature of contemporary Russian politics, particularly in the context of the war against Ukraine. Epstein argues that the Kremlin's policies are driven by a negative identity and a mythologized past, resulting in a civilizational split and aggressive actions against the West. The Russian Orthodox Church supports this militant stance, framing the conflict in apocalyptic terms. Despite the bleak outlook, Epstein suggests that historical analogies offer a potential way out of this imperial-apocalyptic obsession.

Russian President Vladimir Putin participated in the commissioning of the Kovykta gas field, with its vast reserves primarily allocated for Chinese consumption. Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East are increasingly becoming raw material suppliers for China, often at the expense of local residents who lack access to these resources. The Kremlin's focus on maintaining strong ties with Beijing, especially after Western sanctions, has led to significant discounts on oil and gas exports to China. Despite this, China is unlikely to fully compensate for Russia's losses in the European market. The article also highlights environmental concerns and local opposition to potentially harmful Chinese industrial projects in the region.

The Free Ingria movement held a conference in Latvia to discuss plans for the independence of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Oblast from the Kremlin. The event highlighted the region's historical and cultural ties to Europe and its potential economic viability. The movement is part of a broader trend among Russian émigrés advocating for regional autonomy or independence, opposing the Kremlin's imperial ideology. Despite the challenges posed by Kremlin propaganda and repressive actions, the movement aims to foster public discussion and consolidate support for regionalist ideas.

The article discusses Russia's support for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which marks a departure from its official doctrine of backing only legitimate governments. The author compares the US withdrawal from Afghanistan to the Vietnam War, noting the emergence of a coalition comprising Islamic fundamentalists, Russia, and China against the West. China's economic interests in Afghanistan and Russia's political motives are highlighted, including the Kremlin's desire to direct Afghan refugees towards Europe and its refusal to host them in Central Asia. The article also touches on Russia's historical ban on the Taliban and its recent engagement with the group. The author suggests that while Moscow views the Taliban's rise as a blow to the West, it could backfire by inspiring separatist movements within Russia and destabilizing the region.

The article discusses Russian President Vladimir Putin's view of Russia and Ukraine as a unified ethno-religious community, which is reflected in his recent article 'On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians.' The author criticizes Putin's imperial mentality, which ignores modern international law and citizenship in favor of ethnic history. The article argues that Putin's perspective is dangerous for Russia's neighbors and could lead to conflicts. It also points out that Putin's policies aim to restore the Russian Empire, and his accusations against post-Soviet countries of being under Western control are unfounded. The author warns that Putin's denial of the sovereignty of post-Soviet states and his desire to revise borders could have serious repercussions, potentially even inviting territorial claims from countries like China.

The article discusses Andrei Ilnitsky's warning about a 'mental war' waged by the West against Russia, aiming to change the civilizational basis of Russian society. It critiques the Kremlin's opposition to Western democratic values and highlights the historical shifts in Russia's civilizational basis. The piece also examines the contradictions in Ilnitsky's praise for the 'imperial order' and the reality of Russia's hyper-centralized governance. The article concludes that the Kremlin's archaic approach will likely lead to its failure in this 'mental war'.