The article discusses the systematic persecution of religious minorities in Iran, focusing on the recent death of Behnam Mahjoubi, a Gonabadi dervish, who died in custody. It highlights the Iranian government's suppression of the Gonabadi dervishes, particularly after a violent crackdown in 2018. The article also covers the plight of the Yarsan or Ahle Haqq, an esoteric religious group, which the government deems a security threat. A report by the National Defense University is cited, which labels the Yarsanis as disruptive and a threat to political stability. The Yarsan Civil Activists Advisory Council, formed in response to government pressures, is also discussed. The article underscores the broader issue of religious discrimination in Iran, where even Sunni Muslims face restrictions, and the government's fear of any potential rival to the official Shia religion.

The article discusses the dissolution of the Imam Ali Charity Association in Iran, a prominent charity focused on children's rights, by the Iranian judiciary following a complaint by the Ministry of Interior. The charity's closure is seen as a significant loss for children, families, and rights advocates, as it provided essential services to vulnerable children affected by labor, abuse, and addiction. The government's own efforts to address child labor issues, such as the Reorganization Plan of Street Children, have been largely unsuccessful, with studies indicating minimal impact on children's education and empowerment. Critics argue that civil society organizations like the Imam Ali Association are crucial and that the government's dismissal of such groups, despite their failure to address the problems effectively, is detrimental to the welfare of children in Iran.

The article discusses the growing trend of Bitcoin mining in Iran, highlighting the country's cheap electricity as a major draw for Chinese miners. Despite a government ban on importing mining rigs, many have been smuggled into Iran, with some miners receiving government subsidies. The article also explores how Bitcoin is being used in Iran to bypass US sanctions and for potential money laundering. Iranian officials and experts are considering expanding digital currency use to circumvent sanctions, while the US Treasury is taking steps to regulate Bitcoin transactions to prevent evasion. The Iranian Central Bank has banned cryptocurrencies due to money laundering concerns, but mining continues in various locations across the country.

The article discusses the restructuring of the Headquarters of Reconstruction of Holy Shrines (HRHS) in Iran, which has been transferred to the control of the Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force. Ayatollah Khamenei has tasked the HRHS with 'foiling sanctions.' General Soleimani has made new appointments within the HRHS, with Hasan Pelarak overseeing projects and Mohammad Jalal-Maab as the executive officer. The HRHS claims independence and public funding, but government budgets reveal significant state financial support. The organization has completed numerous projects in Iraq and is suspected of being used to bypass sanctions and support military deployments. Hasan Pelarak, a key figure in the HRHS, has a history of military and commercial roles, suggesting a connection between the Revolutionary Guards and financial support for armed groups outside Iran.

The article discusses the absence of Ismail Qaani, the new commander of the Revolutionary Guards’ Quds Force, from the annual Fatimiyya religious ceremonies in Iran. It speculates on the challenges Qaani faces in succeeding General Ghasem Soleimani, including his lack of experience in Iraq and Syria, the need to unify Shia militias in Iraq, and the task of continuing Soleimani's mission to push US forces out of the region. The article also touches on Qaani's operational style, his appointment of Mohammad Hejazi as deputy commander, and the expectations for changes in the Quds Force's operations. It questions Qaani's ability to be as successful as Soleimani given his different character and experience.

The article discusses the significance of the January 2018 and November 2019 nationwide protests in Iran and the government's fear of further demonstrations. It highlights the violent suppression of recent riots in Sistan and Baluchistan and the public's reaction. The piece details a study from Imam Hossein University's Defense Policy journal, which outlines the causes of protests, such as inefficiency, unfulfilled promises, and corruption. The study suggests that protests go through four stages of social restraint disruption and warns of the potential disintegration of the country if unrest continues. Recommendations to the Islamic Republic include fighting corruption, reorganizing dysfunctional structures, and allowing new societal discourses. Another study from the same university's Security Horizons journal identifies factors that could strengthen collective subversion, such as false sects and social network trends.

The article discusses the dissolution of the Imam Ali Charity Association in Iran, a prominent charity focused on children's rights, by the Iranian judiciary following a complaint by the Ministry of Interior. The charity's closure is seen as a significant loss for children, families, and rights advocates, as it provided essential services to vulnerable children affected by labor, abuse, and addiction. The government's own efforts to address child labor issues, such as the Reorganization Plan of Street Children, have been largely unsuccessful, with studies indicating minimal impact on children's education and empowerment. Critics argue that civil society organizations like the Imam Ali Association are crucial and that the government's dismissal of such groups, despite their failure to address the problems effectively, is detrimental to the welfare of children in Iran.

Ahmad Tavakoli and Hossein Rajaei, members of the Assembly of Experts and the Transparency and Justice Watch Organization respectively, have highlighted the washing of the deceased Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi's body by Reza Matloubi Kashani, a figure they identify as a major bank debtor. The article discusses the connections between wealthy traders like Kashani and religious figures, detailing their involvement in various religious, educational, and charitable organizations. It also references historical cases of economic corruption involving religious figures and wealthy individuals, such as Shahram Jazayeri's financial relationships with politicians and clergy, and the case of Hassan MirKazemi, known for his close ties with religious chanters and his involvement in suppression during the 2009 election protests. The article suggests a pattern of economic corruption linked to religious and political institutions in Iran.

Bitcoin mining has become a controversial issue in Iran, with some officials blaming Chinese-operated farms for the country's power outages. Despite a Chinese company being officially permitted to mine Bitcoin in Iran, other farms, including those affiliated with governmental and semi-governmental institutions, are also active. These mining operations require significant electricity, which is cheap in Iran, making it an attractive location for cryptocurrency mining. The potential of cryptocurrencies to circumvent sanctions has led to increased mining activities in Iran, with both private and governmental entities involved. However, the exact scale of Iran's cryptocurrency production and its impact on the economy remain unclear. Official reports indicate that several important economic, political, and security institutions in Iran have stakes in cryptocurrency mining.

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has declared a ban on the import of American and British COVID-19 vaccines, citing distrust in these countries due to their handling of the pandemic and suggesting they might want to test their vaccines on other nations. Following his statement, the Red Crescent Society announced the cancellation of a planned import of 150,000 doses of Pfizer's vaccine. Iran is in negotiations to purchase or co-produce vaccines with China, Russia, Cuba, and possibly other countries. The Strategic Studies Center of the Iranian Presidency reported that Iran is considering vaccines from these countries, while the Food and Drug Administration of Iran mentioned potential direct purchases of vaccines from Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna, and AstraZeneca, which now seem unlikely due to Khamenei's opposition. This stance could impact the vaccine procurement process and public trust in vaccines from China, Russia, and Cuba.

Mohammad-Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi, a prominent Iranian cleric known for his opposition to Western culture and civilization and his support for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, passed away at the age of 85. He played a central role in training at least two generations of 'young and revolutionary' individuals for the Islamic Republic, without holding any executive government positions. His efforts began after the victory of Mohammad Khatami in the 1997 presidential elections, where he took a hard stance against Western humanities and Islamic governance. Mesbah-Yazdi's institute became known for expanding 'Islamic thoughts' and establishing the theory of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist in politics. His legacy is seen in the significant number of young power players in Iran who are now tasked with realizing the 'second step of the revolution' as envisioned by Ayatollah Khamenei.

A week after Iran's lawsuit against the United States at the International Court of Justice in The Hague made headlines with a temporary order in favor of Iran, which the US deemed 'lacking merit', the court is now examining another case where the US seeks dismissal of Iran's legal case regarding assets frozen in connection with the 1983 bombing victims in Lebanon. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran and the US have filed numerous complaints against each other at the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal in The Hague, resulting in many rulings. The tribunal was established to resolve disputes following the US embassy attack in Tehran and the subsequent freezing of Iranian assets by the US government. The tribunal has prevented the escalation of tensions by reviewing a vast number of claims from both countries. According to the 'Center for International Legal Affairs of the Presidency of Iran', from 1980 to 2016, 3,953 claims were filed, with 3,936 concluded and 17 pending without judgment. The tribunal has categorized the cases into four types: disputes over the interpretation or execution of the Algiers Declarations, claims by the two governments against each other arising from contracts for the sale of goods or services, large claims exceeding $250,000, and small claims under $250,000. Iran has paid American parties based on tribunal rulings from a guarantee account, including both litigious and settlement awards. Iran has paid a total of $2.166 billion to American parties, while receiving a total of $3.866 billion from American parties, including cash, physical assets, and various industrial equipment and shares from American companies.

The article discusses the challenges faced by the Rouhani administration in Iran in implementing the 'Freedom of Information Access' (FOIA) database, which was established in July 2017 to promote government transparency. Despite the initiative, key organizations such as the Iranian Judiciary, Guardian Council, and Expediency Council have refused to cooperate, and the database is criticized for containing outdated and insignificant information. The article quotes MP Gholamali Jafazadeh Imanabadi, who expresses skepticism about the government's commitment to transparency. The database, which is intended to provide access to unclassified government information, is underutilized, with less than half of the executive organizations and only a fraction of other institutions contributing to it. The article also provides statistics on the number of users and inquiries made through the database, highlighting the limited engagement and slow response times to citizen inquiries.

The controversy over the oversight of Ali Khamenei's subordinates, including the armed forces, has resurfaced in Iran following Mehdi Karroubi's critical letter, the start of the fifth Assembly of Experts session, and Ahmad Jannati's defense of Khamenei's performance. Khamenei has historically opposed the Assembly's attempts to review the performance of his subordinates, particularly the armed forces, stating that he would not allow such scrutiny. This stance has effectively shielded key institutions like the judiciary and the armed forces from oversight. Despite previous efforts by figures like Jannati, Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani, and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani to establish oversight mechanisms, Khamenei's resistance has maintained the status quo, with the Assembly of Experts limited to reviewing appointments made by the leader rather than the broader performance of the institutions.

A movement critical of traditional religious authorities and the seminary in Qom, Iran, has been ongoing since 25 Azar month, led by Hezbollah and 'revolutionary' students. The movement gained momentum after Hassan Rahimpour Azghadi's controversial speech at the Feiziyeh school, which was met with backlash from senior clerics such as Naser Makarem Shirazi and Hossein Noori Hamedani. The clerics accused Azghadi of being uninformed about the seminary's situation. The Iran newspaper suggests that the 'revolutionary' seminary members aim to gain power within the institution. The movement has sparked widespread debate on social media, with various individuals and groups expressing support or criticism. The conflict reflects broader tensions within Iran's religious and political spheres, with implications for the role of religion in governance and society.

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani signed the Caspian Sea legal regime convention amidst concerns from some Iranian parliament members and citizens about the undefined future share of the five Caspian littoral states. The convention, signed in Aktau, Kazakhstan, leaves the division of the sea's resources to future negotiations. The Iranian Foreign Ministry acknowledged the absence of defined boundaries for the seabed and subsoil in the convention. The complexity of the Caspian Sea's legal regime has increased since the Soviet Union's collapse and the emergence of new coastal states. The convention, referred to as the 'Constitution of the Caspian Sea,' will be enacted once ratified by all five countries' parliaments. Concerns have been raised on social media about Iran's potential reduced share, with some fearing a repeat of historical concessions like the Treaty of Turkmenchay. Opinions vary, with some arguing the lack of a legal basis for Iran's claimed 50% share and others warning against stirring public opinion on this sensitive issue.

The article discusses 15 Shiite militia groups that are fighting in Syria and Iraq, allegedly on behalf of Iran. These groups, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Hezbollah, and the Quds Force, are described as being organized and trained by Iran to support the Assad regime in Syria and combat ISIS in Iraq. The article details the roles of various commanders and the structure of these militias, highlighting Iran's influence in the region.

The article discusses the city of Najafabad in Iran, which is known for being a significant recruitment area for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its affiliated Basij militia. The city has a history of contributing volunteers to Iranian military efforts, notably during the Iran-Iraq war and more recently in Syria. The article mentions several IRGC members from Najafabad who were killed in Syria and highlights the local significance of their deaths, including the funerals and memorials held in their honor. It also touches on the Iranian government's stance on its role in Syria, claiming it to be advisory, despite the deaths of Iranian soldiers. The piece further notes the involvement of Afghan and Pakistani diasporas in Iran in the conflicts in Syria and Iraq, and how their sacrifices are commemorated similarly to Iranian fighters. The article is presented in partnership with Digarban, a media watch organization that compiles reports from Iranian media and blogs.

The article covers the funeral of Iranian Brigadier General Hamid Taqavi in Tehran, who was killed by a sniper in Samarra, Iraq, while fighting against Islamic State militants. It discusses Iran's role in the conflict as 'advisory' and the presence of high-ranking officials at the funeral, indicating official commitment to the armed forces. The article also delves into the death of Wathiq al-Battat, an Iraqi militia leader with ties to Iran, and the murky details surrounding his death, with various sources providing conflicting accounts. The piece explores Battat's background, his anti-Sunni sentiments, and his connections to Iran's IRGC. It also touches on the broader sectarian conflict in the region, including the involvement of Saudi intelligence and the role of Shia militias in fighting Isis. The article is presented in partnership with Digarban and includes an update regarding Battat's release in 2014.