An investigative journalist from the Center for Investigative Journalism of Serbia (CINS) infiltrated a call center operation organized by M&J Lady Hostesses, which is linked to the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). The call center, located at the headquarters of the company Prointer, employs over 100 individuals who contact citizens to inquire about their support for SNS in the upcoming elections. The operation is suspected of vote buying and illegal funding. Workers are recommended through a WhatsApp group and are expected to vote for SNS, with a higher daily wage offered on election day as an incentive. The journalist witnessed the payment of wages in cash at the premises of the Center for Education and Development of Youth in Belgrade (CEROB), which is also involved in the scheme. The article raises concerns about the legality of the operation, the use of personal data, and the implications for the integrity of the electoral process.

The Serbian Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM) has failed to penalize national TV stations, including TV Prva, B92, Pink, Happy, and RTS, for broadcasting content harmful to minors. Despite identifying at least 1000 violations over three years related to age-appropriate content labeling, REM has not taken legal action, which former REM member Gordana Suša considers a concession to TV stations for advertising revenue. The Misdemeanor Court in Belgrade revealed that REM often files complaints too late, leading to a high rate of case obsolescence. Meanwhile, Pink has faced financial difficulties, with millions in loans from the state Agency for Insurance and Financing of Exports (AOFI), despite being fined over 16.4 million dinars for various violations.

Over a third of Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic's 2017 election campaign budget allegedly came from straw donors, with political influence obstructing judicial investigation. The Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) is accused of concealing the origin of campaign donations, with evidence of systematic legal violations found by the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (Birn). Despite legal limits on individual donations, a list published by the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) showed 6,789 individuals donating the exact same amount to SNS. Vucic's victory was marred by allegations of vote-buying and intimidation, and subsequent protests faded without significant impact. The independence of Serbia's judiciary is questioned, with prosecutors appointed by the government, potentially affecting the pursuit of justice in cases of political corruption.

The article investigates the Serbian Progressive Party's alleged use of proxy donors to illegally fund their political campaigns, a practice that is against Serbian law. It details how individuals were given money by party officials to donate back to the party, creating an illusion of a broad financial support base. The Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) found that this was not an isolated incident but a systematic approach to circumvent campaign finance laws. Despite evidence and reports to anti-corruption authorities, no one has been indicted, raising concerns about the independence of Serbia's prosecution services. The article also compares the situation in Serbia with neighboring countries like Montenegro and Macedonia, where similar issues of political corruption and election fraud have been reported. The investigation highlights the broader issue of political elites in former Yugoslav republics taking over state institutions for personal gain and suppressing opposition.

The article investigates the Serbian Progressive Party's alleged use of proxy donors to illegally fund their political campaigns, a practice that is against Serbian law. The investigation, conducted by the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), found that individuals were given money by party officials to donate back to the party, creating a facade of legitimate donations. This pattern was not isolated to one election but was evident in multiple campaigns. The Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) had flagged suspicious donations and urged prosecutors to initiate criminal proceedings, but no indictments have been made, raising concerns about the independence of Serbia's prosecution services. The article also compares the situation in Serbia with neighboring countries like Montenegro and Macedonia, where similar issues of political corruption and election fraud have been reported. The article concludes with the 2017 presidential elections, where Aleksandar Vucic won amid allegations of vote-buying and intimidation, and the subsequent protests that followed his victory.